Cañon City, Colorado holds the highest number of prisons per capita in the United States, yet the dominant narrative of incarceration is situated in the American south and its legacy of slavery. In this paper, I examine the potentials for Southern ideology on Coloradan penology. I focus on the ways in which the Southern penal “reform” of chain gangs influenced the Coloradan penal practice of roadwork in the early twentieth-century. I begin by analyzing the national discourse that led to roadwork as a replacement of convict leasing, and how this new system reified the racial order it replaced. I then examine how roadwork operated at Colorado State Penitentiary, and the ways it both differed and resembled the Southern road camps occurring simultaneously. Finally, an examination of the matron’s reports at C.S.P. reveals the potential for a racial-gendered order to have been operating in these Coloradan penal workspaces. Taken together, this paper argues that social ideologies of race and gender have the ability to travel across regions through penal practices. I present roadwork as an example of penal practice that produced ideologies of race and gender, and argue for its potential as a space of to transfer an antebellum racial-gendered order to Colorado.
Beginning with President Trump’s speech against the national anthem protestors in September of 2017, this study considers how external sociopolitical events interacted with the network structure of the 2017 National Football League to alter the salience of member identities and the resultant patterns of protest activity within the league. Using group membership data on the full population of 2,453 football players, I analyze protest participation by membership in race and status groups and by the network variables of degree, betweenness, and closeness centrality. Black and elite players are both overrepresented among protesters throughout the season. The margins of overrepresentation narrowed during an increase in demonstrations after Trump’s first criticisms but had widened to their initial levels by the end of the season. The mean centralities of the protesting groups varied from week to week due to a temporary increase in the salience of the NFL player identity and to its interaction with racial identities. In general, protesters had lower mean degree and closeness centralities and a higher mean betweenness centrality than players who abstained from protest. Those who participated in high risk forms of activism also tended to have lower mean degree and closeness centralities and a higher mean betweenness centrality than those who opted for low risk demonstrations. These findings indicate that sociopolitical events can implicate different identities, changing their salience in the decision to join or abstain from a social movement.
This paper examines the current inequalities in home internet access and the use of online resources. Situated within a societal context of internet dependency, to the point of indispensability, this study explores whether or not access gaps have closed and the potential opening of usage gaps. Using data from The Current Population Survey July 2013: Computer and Internet Use Supplement, logistic regression analyses were used to examine the effect of demographic factors on access to home internet and use of online financial services, preventative health information and job seeking tools. The findings demonstrate that access to the internet, as well as use of internet resources, reflect existing inequalities in society, especially in regard to race, income and education. In every case, racial disparities persist even after controlling for socioeconomic status, suggesting that social marginality in the information age transcends class.
The author studies the impact of the presence of devalued workers on gender and racial wage gaps in twenty-two U.S. occupations. She finds that gender and racial wage gaps vary by occupation, while accounting for controls, which contributes to evidence of intra-occupational wage gaps. She also finds that the proportion of devalued workers in an occupation does not correlate with gender, racial, or intersectional wage gaps, indicating that variance in intra-occupational wage gaps are not caused by a direct relation between those two factors. When the twenty-two occupations are split into three income categories, their separate correlations reveal that the relationship between proportions of devalues workers and the wage gap may operate differently in different income categories. Specifically, they may have a negative relationship in the high income category and a positive relationship in the middle and low income categories. The author then discusses potential implication for these findings in wage gap research.