Today, nationalism affets everyone. Like it or not, every person has a national identity, creating the illusion of a absolute collective, in which everyone reads the same newspapers and worrying about the same political issues. Regardless, the question of the nation today is much more complex. It is possible to use nationalism as a way to silence other groups, or conversely a method for self-actualization. As a result, there are groups in nation-states that do not form part of national discourse and that resist the authority of the nation-state, in places such as Chechnya in Russia and Cataluña in Spain and France. In spite of their differences, in each case national identity formes a large part in their discourse. In this paper, I will explore the methods, successes and failings of using national identity as a method of self-actualization in decolonial moments through the analysis of three particular movements (L'OAS, the UNITA and the EZLN). I will explore how national identity is used in the context of this moment of decoloniality, as perceived by the resistance group.This moment allows for groups to change and realize their own national identity. Some groups use the moment to silence "others" (but not necessarily subaltern groups) to assert their national identity; others to give themselves a voice in an oppressive state so that they themselves can leave their subaltern position.
Spirit possession narratives and practices elude any singular, definitive framework. Nevertheless, possession movements have been understood as a form of resistance, involving mimetic discourses and practices that seem to parody power structures and norms. In this paper, I complicate readings of resistance through an analysis of a Hauka possession ceremony in Jean Rouch’s documentary film Les Maitres Fous, showing how this interpretive paradigm relies on a particular, provincial conception of the self. Hauka possession movements, in contrast to narratives on individual efforts at resisting power norms, involve relationships of dependence and communal membership. Importantly, this reading of dependence does not exclude expressions of individual autonomy. The individual comes to understand, negotiate, and appropriate these relationships in changing, indeterminate ways. With this in mind, I argue that Hauka possession rituals put the individual in a between space of ambiguity, involving movement within established norms and standards of practice. As such, I advocate for an approach to the study of possession that reflects the indeterminacies and uncertainties of the practices themselves.