In 2006, high school students throughout Chile broke out in protest for educational equality. The series of protests, nicknamed The Penguin Revolution for the black and white uniforms sported by the students, were against neoliberal education policies set in place by the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. In their opinion, these policies promoted a system defined by inequalities. This paper investigates if these neoliberal and unequitable policies had a negative effect on mean income for students subjected to their reforms. The implementation of a neoliberal education system in Chile occurred through two policy interventions. Initial neoliberal reforms were introduced in the Constitution of 1980 and were officially ratified into the Constitution by the creation of the The Organic Constitutional Law of Education (La Ley Orgánica Constitucional de Enseñanza or the LOCE) in 1990. Using a difference-in-differences (DID) model and data from the 2006 CASEN survey addressing the socio-economic status of Chilean citizens, this paper tests for effects on mean income for those who graduated high school under the policy intervention in 1985 (Constitution of 1980) and the subsequent policy intervention in 1995 (LOCE) compared to those who did not. The DID estimator examines these policies by looking at the province of Santiago, an area affected by the policy, as a treatment group and by looking at the province of Bio Bío, an area not affected by the policy, as a control group. Final regression results suggest that respondents who graduated after the implementation of the Constitution of 1980 had no statistically significant change in their mean income and respondents who graduated from high school after the implementation of the LOCE experienced a decrease in mean income compared to respondents not affected by the policy. The coefficients of the covariates in both regressions support the arguments of skill-biased technical change and the importance of education on mean income.
Islam’s moral economy is frequently posited in academic and popular literature as ‘counter’ or ‘alternative’ to neoliberal ideologies. However, despite having some contradictory values, I argue that neoliberalism is neither monolithic in form nor universal in effect and can be integrated with Islam’s moral economy taking different discourses based on geographical and cultural contexts. Through this paper I attribute the successful incorporation of neoliberal ideologies and Islamic values to an evolutionary theory known as the cost-signaling theory. By analyzing and comparing Christopher Taylor’s, “New Islamic Charities in North India: Re-Thinking Islam’s ‘Moral Economy’ to Sarah Thiam’s, “Disappearing Perpetrators: Why Alleged Traffickers of Qur’anic School Students in Senegal and Mali Never Get Charged with Crimes” I demonstrate the ability for neoliberalism to operate within a religious framework that often seems to contradict neoliberalism in practice.
Management of the Columbia River has come to an impasse: after decades of litigation and controversy, there is a growing sense among stakeholders that there may be no good solution to the conflict between endangered salmon and the region’s expansive hydroelectric generation system. Dams and reservoirs pose severe challenges to the survival and migration of salmon and have been blamed for significant population declines over the past century. Addressing this issue, however, is complicated by the fact that river management strategies to benefit the fish often require operational changes that reduce the productivity of hydroelectric power generators, and thus they are strongly opposed by hydroelectric interests and dam operators. Still, the National Marine Fisheries Service, the agency charged with ensuring that other federal agencies’ actions (including actions of federal dam operators) do not jeopardize listed species, is constantly pressured by Native American tribes, environmental groups, and other stakeholders to implement just that sort of management plan. Caught between the two sides, the NMFS, instead of being decisive, has tended to avoid upsetting the status quo and has been often criticized for it. This report seeks to explain why the NMFS has been so reluctant to regulate the hydroelectric system. It shows that, despite the authority of the NMFS the Endangered Species Act, they must operate within the confines of what is politically feasible. Political feasibility is constrained in part by the legacy of a trend toward neoliberalism that gained influence in U.S. politics during the 1980s and 1990s. Specifically, neoliberal policies aimed at limiting federal involvement in economic activities and private land under the ESA have become impediments to federal action in the Columbia that would give endangered fish priority over development activities that threaten their survival. Two such policies are analyzed in this report, the “no surprises” policy, which was originally designed for private landowners but is now used between regulating and regulated agencies, and the “best available science” mandate for federal action under the ESA.
Access to nutritional foods as well as the limited consumption of such foods are problems that continue to exist in the United States despite many programs dedicated to promoting healthful nutrition and eradicating food insecurity. This paper analyzes contributing factors to these issues and presents ways in which they could be addressed through alternative programs managed by and for the local communities most affected. It advocates for food sovereignty and critiques the neoliberal regime that currently dictates the food system in America through a case study of a community ran grocery program in Colorado Springs, Colorado. Nongovernment domestic food aid fills a niche not met by federal programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. However, the community based food movements can still fall victim to issues that affect the food system at large. Alternatives and potential ways that the programs can avoid these pitfalls are offered.