For some, the Chinese collective mentality has proved an insurmountable barrier for foreign direct investment in China, while others have ridden it to success. Engrained in the culture, this decidedly eastern perspective has become somewhat imperative knowledge for any business that looks for success in the Middle Kingdom. Through annual reports and letters to shareholders we can understand corporate intent, while analysis of advertisements can shed light on companies localization strategies. Successful companies incorporated localization strategies of nationalism, collectivism, and heightened sensitivity to local tastes. These advertising tendencies along with joint venture opportunities and effective brand management have been key components to bring Western strategies to the East.
Greek nationalism emerging out of the Enlightenment stressed the primordial belief that Modern Greeks are the descendents of the Ancient Greeks. This type of nationalism was exclusionary and repressive towards foreigners, yet is pervasive in contemporary Greek immigration policy. Greek immigration is incredibly important today because in 2010 alone, 90 percent of detected illegal immigrants in the European Union entered through Greece, a large percentage of these being Muslim immigrants. In this paper I contend that political rights must be granted to Muslim immigrants that call Greece their home, for ethnocultural differences should not preclude political, economic or social integration. Individual characteristics of the members of the community should not determine whether they are worthy of political rights or not. Terms for immigrants should rather be defined in political and institutional terms rather than in ethnic and cultural; only though recognizing the ability for Muslims to participate in the political and economic life of the Greek state can peaceful coexistence materialize. This paper, thus, is particularly significant because it exposes the Greek path dependency on a flawed immigration policy and suggests ways for reconciling national identity in an era of mass migration.
This thesis explores the roles that museums in Andalusia, Spain play in constructing and reflecting a sense of identity and nationalism. Andalusia is composed of imagined communities defined by their particular histories and cultural contexts, and museums are central in navigating the variability in the region’s collective memory. Museums emphasize certain aspects of the region’s history and culture and exclude others in the process of constructing narratives. By observing twenty-six museums in Andalusia, categorized as archaeology museums, history museums, ethnographic museums, and cultural interpretation centers, it is possible to identify elements central to defining the region and its inhabitants. Examining the way in which particular events and cultures are highlighted or silenced, and the way in which the past is constructed in relation to the present, reveals the power the museums hold in creating identities and perceptions of places and people.
Today, nationalism affets everyone. Like it or not, every person has a national identity, creating the illusion of a absolute collective, in which everyone reads the same newspapers and worrying about the same political issues. Regardless, the question of the nation today is much more complex. It is possible to use nationalism as a way to silence other groups, or conversely a method for self-actualization. As a result, there are groups in nation-states that do not form part of national discourse and that resist the authority of the nation-state, in places such as Chechnya in Russia and Cataluña in Spain and France. In spite of their differences, in each case national identity formes a large part in their discourse. In this paper, I will explore the methods, successes and failings of using national identity as a method of self-actualization in decolonial moments through the analysis of three particular movements (L'OAS, the UNITA and the EZLN). I will explore how national identity is used in the context of this moment of decoloniality, as perceived by the resistance group.This moment allows for groups to change and realize their own national identity. Some groups use the moment to silence "others" (but not necessarily subaltern groups) to assert their national identity; others to give themselves a voice in an oppressive state so that they themselves can leave their subaltern position.
Nicaragua presents the first case in which plurinationalism in a country became legislated and regional autonomy was granted to the inhabitants of the Atlantic coast. By using content analysis and interviews, this paper explores the social representations of national identity in advertising campaigns used by both the private and public sectors in Nicaragua. I argue that both sectors work as intermediaries that continue to reinforce the dominant expression of "Nicaraguanidad" as merely that of the Pacific coast. This position is founded on the assumption that national identity is constructed and deconstructed discursively through means of socialization. Although Nicaragua was the first country to grant regional autonomy to a region, findings showed that the discourse on national identity presented in promotional campaigns by both the private and public sectors has not been successfully transformed to represent Nicaragua as a plurinational state. This paper concludes that these representations of “Nicaraguaness” contribute to the maintenance of a predominantly Pacific national identity discourse.
In the last few centuries, the world has seen unprecedented stratification between economic growth of countries. This study takes a quantitative approach to the role that nationalism and colonial history may play in the economic growth rates of countries. It explains the factors that are linked to nationalism and colonial background and explores the intersection between the two. The effect of these variables on economic growth is measured using cross-sectional data from 74 former European colonies that gained independence after the Second World War, or the year 1945. Using an Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression, it was found that region, form of government, and imports have significant effects on economic growth.